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The Daily record and the Dresden daily : 10.07.1908
- Erscheinungsdatum
- 1908-07-10
- Sprache
- Englisch
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- SLUB Dresden
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- SLUB Dresden
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- Public Domain Mark 1.0
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- urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-db-id416971482-190807102
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- http://digital.slub-dresden.de/id416971482-19080710
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- oai:de:slub-dresden:db:id-416971482-19080710
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- ZeitungThe Daily record and the Dresden daily
- Jahr1908
- Monat1908-07
- Tag1908-07-10
- Monat1908-07
- Jahr1908
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W.,Potsdamer Strasse 10/11. Telephone: VI 1079. Mih Btcorb and THE DRESDEN DAILY. Dresden Office: A., Struve Strasse 5,1. Telephone: 1755. First Daily Papeor in English published in Germany. M 736. DRESDEN AND BERLIN, FRIDAY, JULY 10, 1908. 10 PFENNIGS. The Daily Record is delivered by hand in Dresden, and may be ordered at any Post Office throughout the German Empire. It is published daily, excepting Mondays and days following legal holidays in Dresden. Monthly Subscription Rates: For the whole of Germany and Austria, mark 1.—. For other countries, marks 2.50, For special article on THE BRAZILIAN BATTLESHIP HEAL see page 4. Paris $ Dresden $ New York fur-Styles MR. ROOSEVELT AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. (From our New York correspondent.) are here in great variety to select from. Cloaks, smar j jackets rich Neckpieces, (|M Muffe in .Sable, Mink, Ermine, Chinchilla, Sealskin, Squirrel, black Lynx, Pony, Fox, &c. &c. 10% Cash Discount to the early buyer. .“Siw peters. Furrt „. In American politics nothing is impossible. The apparently immovable platform can be turned over in a moment; at the eleventh hour political events may occur which upset all the most careful politi cal calculations. Americans, therefore, are used to surprises and watch every political event with keen anxiety, in the expectation that the outcome may not be what the political leaders have predicted. So it will easily be understood that the outcome of the Republican National Convention was looked forward to with great interest, although the public had known for weeks that the President’s candidate, William Howard Taft, already had many more votes at his disposal than were required to secure his nomination as Republican candidate for the Pre sidency. For weeks it had been certain that Taft would be returned at the first ballot, and that none of his competitors — Governor Hughes, Speaker Cannon, Vice-President Fairbanks, and others, who were known collectively as “the allies”—had the ghost of a chance. But in the political background the people saw lurking the apparition of a Roosevelt stampede, which might at any moment spring into the arena of the Convention and put the assembled delegates, as well as the thousands of spectators in the great Convention Hall of Chicago, under a ban. The case of President Roosevelt has shown what declarations, however earnest, stand for in the political life of America. Although Mr. Roosevelt had repeatedly declared that he would not under any circumstances accept the nomination for another term of office, that, in the minds of many, meant nothing; and the battle-cry “Roosevelt four years more” went forth to the Convention. In the poli tical history of America this XIV. National Con vention of the Republican party will play a leading part, because it clearly showed to the American people for the first time the power of the popularity of a single man. Within a few minutes of the assembling of the Convention it became plain to every one present, that had any sort of political ear, who the master of the situation was. The most important question, that of the so-called contested delegations—some States had sent two delegates, one for and one against Taft—was settled in Taft’s favour. More over, the business of the Convention was begun and carried through under high pressure from the White House, the President being all the time in telephonic communication with the party leaders. The party platform read like a message from the President, almost every line containing pregnant Roosevelt expressions. It may be said that in two points only the Convention did not meet the wishes of the President and Mr. Taft: one being the plank of the workers’ organisations, which was planed down by the Resolution Committee to a much smoother shape than the President wished; the other, the election of Taft’s “running mate,” the candidate for the Vice-presidency. The President and Taft would have preferred a candidate from the West. The political wire-pullers favoured a man from New York, holding that a Presidency ticket nominating one candidate from Ohio and one from New York would prove more attractive to Republicans and not fail in its effect. So a New Yorker, Congressman Sherman, was also elected at the first ballot for the Vice- presidency, and that was a politic move. The State of New York is this year considered a doubtful one for the Republicans; but as a New Yorker’s name now graces the Presidential ticket, the ruling party hopes to be victorious in the Em pire State. Of course the anti-Roosevelt delegates complained bitterly that Roosevelt and Taft had such a tight hold of the handle; but the conclusion of the Convention once more showed the great po litical sagacity which distinguishes the Republicans over and above the Democrats. The nominations of Taft and Sherman were agreed to unanimously, and the feuds within the ranks of the Republicans buried on the spot. The election of Taft is approved by many De mocrat journals which will have nothing to do with Bryan, and speak of the choice of Taft as an ex cellent one; since he is regarded by his Democrat friends as a conservative, strong-willed, and highly experienced statesman of ripe and sound judgment. GENERAL NEWS. NEWS FROM ENGLAND. THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. Capt. Kincaid-Smith, in asking leave to introduce a Bill to establish national military training in the Territorial Force, said it was the logical sequence of the framework Mr. Haldane had provided. No one could make effective units with the present material, and his Bill would turn the Territorial Army into a real fighting machine instead of remain ing a dangerous shadow. It was perfectly logical to praise the framework of Mr. Haldane’s scheme, and yet to maintain that it could not be made effective if they relied on a volunteer basis. His Bill provided that every male British subject in Great Britain—it did not apply to Ireland (cries of “Why”), because that country had no territorial organisation—should be liable at the age of 18 to not more than 48 days of military training. On January 1, following a 19th birthday, not more than 30 days should be given, and between 20 and 30, not more than 14 days every alternate year. It was provided that the County Association should prepare the lists of those liable to serve, and there could also be an appeal against the inclusion of a name. Ex-soldiers and sailors and policemen of ten years’ service were exempt, also cripples, habi tual drunkards, and those otherwise undesirable; also the medically unfit and the only sons of widows; members of both Houses of Parliament were ex empt (“Oh” and “Why?”). Those liable to ser vice might do a continuous period of one year’s training, and so be quit of any further liability, except during war. The proposed period of train ing might not meet with the approval of military men, but it was an essential condition of any period of training that it should be acceptable to the Eng lish people, and so should not interfere with civilian occupations. It was not compulsion which people objected to, but the fear that during the period of training the places of the men in civil employ ment would be filled up. He did not advocate compulsion because he approved of it, but it was the only way in which we could solve the present difficulty and get at a certain class who had never in the past, and he believed never would in the future, do anything in the auxiliary forces. It would also solve the chief difficulty of all, namely, the question of the supply of officers. The Bill embodied the only sound and safe principle for home defence. Mr. H. Cox said the hon. member had not told them how many men he would obtain if the Bill became law, and how much the scheme would cost. He gathered that the number of men would reach five or six millions, although it would be possible for a number of them to evade the obligation of serving, either by becoming a member of Parlia ment, or by becoming an habitual drunkard (loud laughter). He estimated that the cost would be 19% millions a year. What did we want such a large force for? It could only be to repel an in vasion by force, but such an invasion could only take place if the whole of the British Navy were driven from the seas. Was the House going to contemplate the possibility of the Navy being virtually destroyed? They would be traitors to their country if they spent a single penny on the military forces if they thought there was the least danger of the Navy being destroyed. Their first duty was to see that the Navy was strong enough to repel any possible invasion by force. Leave to introduce the Bill was refused bv 250 to 34. In answer to Lieut. Carlyon Bellairs (Liberal), who asked what measures the Government con templated taking to eliminate differences of opinion existing between officers holding high naval rank, thereby affecting the organisation and discipline of the fleet, Mr. Asquith said that he had not been made aware of such differences of opinion. If the Government had reason to believe that the discipline and order of the navy were being impaired, it would not hesitate to im mediately effect a reformation. (Applause.) The Prime Minister added that the politics of the navy are controlled by the Government; that naval officers must refrain from criticism, simply obey ing orders and doing their duty. (Continued ap plause.) ANOTHER BERESFORD SENSATION. London, July 9. Admiral Lord Charles Beresford has despatched a sharply worded telegram to the Admiralty, in which he states that he is not able to guarantee Great Britain from attack with the insufficient fleet Under his command. ^^ - - _ _ DAMAGE TO SHIPS IN WARTIME. . London, July 9. ^ The report issued by the Finance Committee re lative to a national guarantee for damage sustained by merchant vessels in wartime states that it would be inadvisable for the country to compensate owners for losses sustained owing to ships being captured by the enemy. The only substantial guarantee, says the report, is furnished by the maintenance of a powerful fleet. THE WEDDING OF MDME. ANNA GOULD. We are indebted to the Globe for the following account of Mdme. Anna Gould’s marriage with the Prince de Sagan on Tuesday morning:—In the pre sence only of two friends as witnesses, Mdme. Anna Gould and Prince de Sagan were quietly married at the Strand Registry Office this morning. The secret, if secret it was, had not been well kept, and in anticipation of the event a large crowd collected at the two entrances to the office in Henrietta- street and Maiden-lane. The first to appear on the scene were half a dozen “camera fiends.” These were quickly followed by others, and very soon there was a mixed crowd of Pressmen, photo graphers, Covent-garden porters and salesmen, cab- drivers, messengers, and costermongers, all gazing in at the Registry Office. The reporters and photo graphers had a trying time in the effort to keep an eye on both entrances at once. Shortly before half-past ten a hansom was driven up to the back entrance of the office in Maiden- lane. A tall, distinguished-looking man, with a ruddy face, and hair and moustache just turning grey, stepped on to the pavement and handed out a lady simply dressed in white brocade and wear ing a straw hat trimmed with ostrich feathers. They were the Prince de Sagan and Mdme. Gould. “Click, click,” went the cameras, but not quite soon enough; the Prince had observed them, and sought with his tall hat to hide his features. Mdme. Gould, who was all smiles, also raised her arm as if anxious to avoid being snap-shotted. They then quickly entered the office, and half an hour later re-appeared. In spite of the fact that the Prince and Mdme. Gould had been seen to enter, an official of the Registry Office, with a feeble attempt at a naive simplicity, pretended to know nothing of any marriage being performed, and expressed the opinion that it would not take place until tomorrow. His belief in the guilelessness of Pressmen deserves to be placed on record. (Continued on page 2.) «. *9- <wWk, a .4
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