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The Daily record and the Dresden daily : 06.05.1908
- Erscheinungsdatum
- 1908-05-06
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- Englisch
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- SLUB Dresden
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- SLUB Dresden
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- Public Domain Mark 1.0
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- urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-db-id416971482-190805060
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- http://digital.slub-dresden.de/id416971482-19080506
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- oai:de:slub-dresden:db:id-416971482-19080506
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- ZeitungThe Daily record and the Dresden daily
- Jahr1908
- Monat1908-05
- Tag1908-05-06
- Monat1908-05
- Jahr1908
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W., Potsdamer Strasse 10/11. Telephone: VI 1079. Bl'CUV ft and THE DRESDEN DAILY. A., Struve Strasse 5,1. Telephone: 1755. The First Daily Paper in English published in Germany. ft 682. DRESDEN AND BERLIN, WEDNESDAY, MAY 6, 1908. 10 PFENNIGS. Tlu Daily Record is delivered by hand in Dresden, and may be ordered at any Post Office throughout the Qerman Empire. It it published daily, excepting Mondays and days following legal holidays in Dresden. Monthly Subscription Rates: For the whole of Germany and Austria, mark 1.—. For other countries, marks 2.50. ^ OTTO MAYER MHB Photographer 38 Prager Strasse 38 Telephone 446. By appointment to T. M. the King of Saxony and the Emperor of Austria. Superb artistic work. Moderate terms. There could not be a better time than now— to impress upon you the fact that, when in need of Furs we can save you from 10—25% on purchases. Exclusiveness, thorough knowledge of the busi ness, strongest purchasing power, direct importation of Skins, our own designing & manufacturing of Furs, enable us to guarantee these savings. No one should overlook this establishment before purchasing. Remember the only store where Americ. & Engl, are suited best. 52, Prager St. H. G. B. Peters, opp. Thos. Cook & Son. Dresden. E. W. STARKE only Prager Strasse 6 Table Linen. Bed Linen. Hand-embroidered goods. Shirts to measure. Very comfortable, refined family home. Strehlener Strasse 29,1. Frau Welzel-Ttirk. ANGLO-FRENCH RELATIONS. By an oversight we omitted to characterise our leading article in yesterday’s issue on Anglo-French relations as the utterances of an English contribu tor. We do not in every respect associate our selves with the sentiments expressed therein with regard to the entente cordiale prevailing between Great Britain and the French Republic. THE RUSSIAN DEADLOCK. While the sovereigns of Europe have been visit ing and complimenting one another for some twelve months past, what has been happening in Russia ? The question is one that often suggests itself, and as often finds no answer in our perplexity. One is only too ready to believe that none but the Russians understand Russia. Has there been pro gress? Has there been retrogression? A Russian answers such inquiries sardonically, almost* pity ingly; he seems to have more sympathy for our ignorance than for the sufferings of his nation; he never hesitates to tell a foreigner that for a knowledge of Russian affairs to be a Russian is the only possible qualification. The interested spectator, tiring of violence, injustice, and the ceaseless sacrifice of human life, applies his his torical standards with very little result. The French Revolution refuses to re-enact itself, provokingly enough; this vast and inscrutable Empire is reluc tant to conform to the world’s precedents. Yet, in our anxiety to tie a label to all political phenomena, we run great risks of misconception. We talk glibly of “reform” and “revolution,” anxious to involve this crisis in Russian history in some apt generalization; and, when every now and again an unanticipated event shatters our preconceptions, we hasten to seek refuge in some fresh alley of politi cal tradition. It is only with reservations that one can talk of Russia. The misconception that the fact of violence con stitutes the difference between reform and revolution is not uncommon. It bases itself on some such distinction as that between the Reform Bill of 1832 in England and the French Revolution of 1789— the one a bloodless measure of reform, the other a most bloody accomplishment of revolution. It is possible to trace this attitude of mind in the theories prevailing in Russia itself on the course of events, especially among those who tend to side with the bureaucratic classes without committing themselves either to violent repression or violent reform. The outbreak of national resentment was termed “dis satisfaction”; its violent expression, “riot”; civil disorder coupled with democratic demands seemed “political agitation with violence”; the granting of a Constitution was called “reform”: and now one asks, “is it going to be revolution?” On analysis, the fear of revolution would in most cases betray itself as a fear of anarchy, of absolute confusion. But revolution need not be violent or unorganized, for the distinction between revolution and reform lies in the motive rather than in the expression. Thus, it may he said that a reform is usually imposed, rightly or wrongly, by a group or an individual on the community at large, while a revolution, being brought about by the will and action of the whole community, or the vast majority, results in a complete change of regime. The fact of violence is purely accidental, although the natural resistence of the power* attacked makes it almost inevitable. Further, all revolutions have this common quality, that they are the result of a long and, it may be, hidden or silent process. A coup d’etat, which may temporarily be just as effective as a revolution in changing the regime of a State, has never yet shewn any permanency unless backed by deeper processes of change within the nation itself. What a vast difference there is between the coup d’etat of a Napoleon III. and that of an Augustus, between France worn out with monarchy and Rome worn out with republi canism ! In Russia revolution is feared in two senses: there are Russians who fear the name and Russians who fear the reality. The bureaucracy appear to think that revolution may be anticipated by reforms like those of Ximenes in an ultimately loyal Spain. Here, however, there is the great danger that the bureau-^ cracy give not what is desired but as much as they think convenient for themselves; and, in addition to this danger, there is also a practical incon venience which stimulates it. The tendencies from above--and the- tendenciac from below are not so much at cross purposes as they are ill-timed in relation to one another; when the former come forward the latter recede; they are unable to meet in compromise, and the victory of either side must now be the victory of an extreme. As the months pass and nothing is achieved, except more in justice, more bloodshed, more tyranny, more bomb- throwing, as Duma succeeds Duma without adding an iota of liberty to a single person in all the Czar’s dominions, it becomes clearer and clearer how deeply ingrained in the character of the Russian people is the revolutionary spirit. Russia is no longer a nation, like Spain, ultimately loyal to the old order though temporarily in rebellion, and neither violence nor laxity on either side can turn the advancing tide. Something of this is realized in Russia, but nobody except the revolutionaries care for the ugly word “revolution,” least of all the bureaucracy. Travellers in Russia acquainted with bureaucrats invariably bring back the obser vation that their conversation shews no sign of alarm; they do not realize, or do not choose to realize, what is going on among the people, and gaze into a rosy future out of a tranquil present. Incidentally, they find there is some ugly work to be done, some unpleasant element to destroy. They do it as though normal conditions demanded it; and in this view we are tempted to support them, not because we advocate violence, but because violence does not appear to us to be an essential symptom of revolu tion. Having gone so far, however, the bureaucratic mind reaches the limits of its logic. Revolution is afoot in spite of violence as much as because of it; and, were no shot fired and no man imprisoned from now until a free Russian people legislated for itself in a sovereign assembly, that consummation would still be a revolution in the fullest sense. Both the name and the reality bode little good for bureaucracy, and it would be a cunning bureau cracy indeed that could find safety as well as blindness in theories about reform. BRITISH AND AMERICAN REPRESENTATIVES. THE BRITISH LEGATION: Wiener Strasse 38.—Minister Resident: Mansfeld de Cardonnel Findlay, Esq. C. M. G. THE BRITISH CONSULATE: Altmarkt 16.-British Consul: H. Palmie, Esq. THE AMERICAN CONSULATE GENERAL: AminonStr.2, p. American Consul-General: T.St. John Gaffney, Esq. WEATHER FORECAST FOR TODAY of the Royal Saxon Meteorological Institute. Southerly to westerly winds, sky clearing, most ly dry, warmer. GENERAL NEWS. NEWS FROM ENGLAND. SENSATIONAL SPEECH BY GEN. BADEN- POWELL. Maj. Gen. Baden-Powell, the commapdant at Mafeking during the siege by the Boers, delivered a sensational speech to officers and non-commis sioned officers of the Territorial Force at New castle on Monday. England, he declared, was threatened with invasion by Germany. Germany was the natural enemy of England, since the latter stood in the way of the former country’s colonial expansion. The relations between the two countries were similar to those which had existed between ancient Rome and Carthage. The speaker went on to say that 120,000 men could be embarked at Hamburg within thirty hours and the British Navy WftuJd be, absolutely, impotent; since Germany’s, fleet was strong enough to hold the English Channel. Invasion could only be effectually prevented by a well-trained, well-equipped army. Commenting upon this speech a Berlin journal remarks that Baden-Powell must be a poor peda gogue if he thinks it only possible to infuse a military spirit into his soldiers by reciting ghost stories to them. THE LICENSING BILL. After a four days’ debate in the House of Com mons, the Licensing Bill was read for a second time on Monday by 397 votes against 147. THE INDIAN FRONTIER TROUBLE. General Willcocks, says a Simla telegram, attacked the Afghans on the heights west of Landi Khotal early on Sunday morning, but did not encounter very serious resistance. The hostile tribesmen were hurled back over the frontier. The English casual ties were one officer and two men wounded. Reuter learns from authoritative sources that the situation on the frontier is not in any way alarm ing. It is said that the Afghans who have entered into hostilities are the same wild, undisciplined marauders who appeared on the scene during the recent expedition against the Zakka Khel, and that altogether they do not number more than 9,000 men. There is no ground for the assumption that they have any connection with the Ameer, or that the present state of affairs has any bearing on the Ameer’s attitude towards the Anglo-Russian con vention. It is not considered probable that the operations will assume great proportions. THE NAVAL DISASTERS. In the House of Commons on Monday Mr. A. H. Lee (Unionist, Hants.) asked what measures would be taken to replace, at the earliest possible moment, the three lost warships, “Gladiator,” “Tiger” and “Gala.” Mr. McKenna, First Lord of the Admiralty, replied that the shipbuilding programme was not of such narrow dimensions as to render the replace ment of these vessels a matter of imperative necessity, but in view of the exceptional circumstances of the case the Admiralty was considering the question of replacing the lost ships to the best possible ad vantage. MURDERER OF COL. SCOTT-MONCRIEFF CAUGHT. Reuter reports from Cairo that the sheik Abdel Kader, the alleged murderer of Colonel Scott- Moncrieff, has been captured near the scene of the recent battle by villagers, and handed over to the Government authorities. (Continued on page 2.)
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