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The History Of England, From The Invasion Of Julius Caesar To The Revolution Of 1688
- Titel
- The History Of England, From The Invasion Of Julius Caesar To The Revolution Of 1688
- Autor
- Hume, David
- Smollett, Tobias George
- Verleger
- Robinson
- Erscheinungsort
- London
- Erscheinungsdatum
- 1833
- Umfang
- XIV Seiten, 10 ungezählte Seiten, 1354 Seiten, 60 ungezählte Seiten
- Sprache
- Englisch
- Signatur
- 2019 9 000401
- Vorlage
- SLUB Dresden
- Digitalisat
- SLUB Dresden
- Lizenz-/Rechtehinweis
- CC BY-SA 4.0
- URN
- urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-db-id17034202412
- PURL
- http://digital.slub-dresden.de/id1703420241
- OAI-Identifier
- oai:de:slub-dresden:db:id-1703420241
- Weiterführender Link
- Katalogverweis
- SLUB-Katalog (PPN)
- 1703420241
- Sammlungen
- Freiherrlich von Friesen’sche Schlossbibliothek zu Rötha
- Ausgabe
- Complete In One Volume; With The Last Corrections And Improvements Of The Authors ...
- Strukturtyp
- Monographie
- Parlamentsperiode
- -
- Wahlperiode
- -
- Titel
- Chap. LI. Third parliament — Petition of right — Prorogation — Death of Buckingham — New session of parliament — Tonnage and poundage — Arminianism — Dissolution of the parliament
- Digitalisat
- SLUB Dresden
- Strukturtyp
- Kapitel
- Parlamentsperiode
- -
- Wahlperiode
- -
Inhaltsverzeichnis
- MonographieThe History Of England, From The Invasion Of Julius Caesar To ... -
- EinbandEinband -
- TitelblattTitelblatt III
- KapitelThe Life Of David Hume, Esq. Written By Himself V
- KapitelLetter From Adam Smith, LL. D. To William Strahan, Esq. XI
- InhaltsverzeichnisInhaltsverzeichnis -
- KapitelChapter I. The Britons – Romans – Saxons – the Heptarchy – The ... 1
- KapitelChap. II. Egbert – Ethelwolf – Ethelbald and Ethelbert – Ethered ... 15
- KapitelChap. III. Ethelred — Settlement of the Normans — Edmund ... 29
- KapitelChap. IV. William the Conqueror. Consequences of the battle of ... 44
- KapitelChap. V. William Rufus. Accession of William Rufus — Conspiracy ... 56
- KapitelChap. VI. Henry I. The Crusades — Accession of Henry — Marriage ... 61
- KapitelChap. VII. Stephen. Accession of Stephen—War with ... 69
- KapitelChap. VIII. Henry II. State of Europe — of France — First acts ... 74
- KapitelChap. IX. Henry II. State of Ireland — Conquest of that island — ... 86
- KapitelChap. X. Richard I. The king’s preparations for the crusade — ... 96
- KapitelChap. XI. John. Accession of the king — His marriage — War with ... 104
- KapitelChap. XII. Henry III. Settlement of the government — General ... 117
- KapitelChap. XIII. Edward I. Civil administration of the king — ... 137
- KapitelChap. XIV. Edward II. Weakness of the king — His passion for ... 158
- KapitelChap. XV. Edward III. War with Scotland — Execution of the Earl ... 167
- KapitelChap. XVI. Institution of the garter — State of France — Battle ... 184
- KapitelChap. XVII. Richard II. Government during the minority — ... 196
- KapitelChap. XVIII. Henry IV. Title of the king — An insurrection — An ... 209
- KapitelChap. XIX. Henry V. The king’s former disorders — His ... 214
- KapitelChap. XX. Henry VI. Government during the minority — State of ... 222
- KapitelChap. XXI. Henry VI. Claim of the duke of York to the crown — ... 234
- KapitelChap. XXII. Edward IV. Battle of Touton — Henry escapes into ... 242
- KapitelChap. XXIII. Edward V. And Richard III. Edward V. — State of the ... 253
- KapitelChap. XXIV. Henry VII. Edward V. — State of the court — The earl ... 262
- KapitelChap. XXV. State of foreign affairs — State of Scotland — of ... 268
- KapitelChapt. XXVI. Perkin retires to Scotland — Insurrection in the ... 276
- KapitelChap. XXVII. Henry VIII. Popularity of the new king — His ... 285
- KapitelChap. XXVIII. Wolsey’s administration — Scotch affairs — ... 293
- KapitelChap. XXIX. Digression concerning the ecclesiastical state — ... 299
- KapitelChapt.. XXX. Scruples concerning the king’s marriage — The king ... 309
- KapitelChap. XXXI. The History of England from the Invasion of Julius ... 320
- KapitelChap. XXXII. Disputation with Lambert — A Parliament — Law of ... 334
- KapitelChap. XXXIII. The History of England from the Invasion of Julius ... 342
- KapitelChap. XXXIV. Edward VI. State of the regency — Innovations in ... 354
- KapitelChap. XXXV. Discontents of the people — Insurrections — Conduct ... 364
- KapitelChap. XXXVI. Mary. The History of England from the Invasion of ... 372
- KapitelChap. XXXVII. The History of England from the Invasion of Julius ... 381
- KapitelChap. XXXVIII. Elizabeth. Queen’s popularity — Re-establishment ... 390
- KapitelChap. XXXIX. The History of England from the Invasion of Julius ... 404
- KapitelChap. XL. The History of England from the Invasion of Julius ... 423
- KapitelChap. XLI. Affairs of Scotland — Spanish affairs — Sir Francis ... 441
- KapitelChap. XLII. Zeal of the catholics — Babington’s conspiracy — ... 452
- KapitelChap. XLIII. French affairs — Murder of the duke of Guise — ... 469
- KapitelChap. XLIV. State of Ireland — Tyrone’s rebellion — Essex sent ... 478
- KapitelChap. XLV. James I. Introduction — James’s first transactions — ... 491
- KapitelChap. XLVI. Gunpowder conspiracy — A parliament — Truce betwixt ... 497
- KapitelChap. XLVII. Death of Prince Henry — Marriage of the Princess ... 504
- KapitelChap. XLVIII. The History of England from the Invasion of Julius ... 511
- KapitelChap. XLIX. Negociations with regard to the marriage and the ... 518
- KapitelChap. L. Charles I. A parliament at Westminster — At Oxford — ... 526
- KapitelChap. LI. Third parliament — Petition of right — Prorogation — ... 534
- KapitelChap. LII. Peace with France — Peace with Spain — State of the ... 543
- KapitelChap. LIII. Discontents in Scotland — Introduction of the canons ... 552
- KapitelChap. LIV. Meeting of the long parliament — Strafford and Laud ... 561
- KapitelChap. LV. Settlement of Scotland — Conspiracy in Ireland — ... 574
- KapitelChap. LVI. Commencement of the civil war — State of parties — ... 589
- KapitelChap. LVII. Invasion of the Scots — Battle of Marston-moor — ... 601
- KapitelChap. LVIII. Montrose’s victories — The new model of the army — ... 610
- KapitelChap. LIX. Mutiny of the army — The king seized by Joyce — The ... 619
- KapitelChap. LXVII. The Popish plot – Oates’s narrative – And character ... 626
- KapitelChap. LX. The Commonwealth. State of England – Of Scotland – Of ... 635
- KapitelChap. LXI. Cromwel’s birth and private life — Barebone’s ... 650
- KapitelChap. LXII. Richard acknowledged protector — A parliament — ... 665
- KapitelChap. LXIII. Charles II. New ministery — Act of indemnity — ... 677
- KapitelChap. LXIV. A new session — Rupture with Holland — A new session ... 687
- KapitelChap. LXV. A Parliament — The Cabal — Their Characters — Their ... 699
- KapitelChap. LXVI. Schemes of the Cabal — Remonstrances of Sir William ... 713
- KapitelChap. LXVII. The Popish plot – Oates’s narrative – And character ... 726
- KapitelChap. LXVIII. State of parties – State of the ministry – ... 738
- KapitelChap. LXIX. State of affairs in Ireland — Shaftesbury acquitted ... 747
- KapitelChap. LXX. James II. King’s first transactions — A parliament — ... 759
- KapitelChap. LXXI. Conduct of the prince of Orange — He forms a league ... 771
- AnhangAppendix 786
- KapitelThe history of England from the revolution to the death of ... 823
- KapitelThe history of England from the revolution to the death of ... 996
- KapitelThe history of England from the revolution to the death of ... 1106
- RegisterIndex 1355
- EinbandEinband 1420
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that no attempt seems to have been made for obtaining tonnage and poundage in any other form? Charles, meanwhile, continued still to levy this duty by his own authority; and the nation was so accustomed to that exertion of royal power, that no scruple was at first entertained of submitting to it. But the succeeding parliament excited doubts in every one. The Commons took there some steps towards declaring it illegal to levy tonnage and poundage without consent of parliament; and they openly showed their intention of employing this engine, in order to extort from the crown concessions of the most important nature. But Charles was not yet sufficiently tamed to compliance; and the abrupt dissolu tion of that parliament, as above related, put an end, for the time, to their further pretensions. The following interval between the second and third parliament was distinguished by so many exertions of prerogative, that men had little leisure to attend to the affair of tonnage and poundage, where the abuse of power in the crown might seem to be of a more disputable na ture. But after the Commons, during the precedent session, had remedied all these grievances by means of their petition of right, which they deemed so necessary; they afterwards proceeded to take the matter into con sideration, and they showed the same intention as former ly, of exacting, in return for the grant of this revenue, very large compliances on the part of the crown. Their sudden prorogation prevented them from bringing their pretensions to a full conclusion. When Charles opened this session, he had foreseen that the same controversy would arise; and he therefore took care, very early, among many mild and reconciling expressions, to inform the Commons, “ That he had not taken these duties as appertaining to his hereditary pre rogative ; but that it ever was, and still is, his meaning to enjoy them as a gift of his people: and that, if he had hitherto levied tonnage and poundage, he pretended to justify himself only by the necessity of so doing, not by any right which he assumed.” 1 This concession, which probably arose from the king’s moderate temper, now freed from the impulse of Buckingham’s violent counsels, might have satisfied the Commons, had they entertained no other view than that of ascertaining their own powers and privileges. But they carried their pretensions much higher. They insisted as a necessary preliminary; that the king should once entirely desist from levying these duties; after which, they were to take it into considera tion, how far they would restore him to the possession of a revenue, of which he had clearly divested himself. But, besides that this extreme rigour had never been exercised towards any of his predecessors, and many obvious in conveniences must follow from the intermission of the customs; there were other reasons which deterred Charles from complying with so hard a condition. It was pro bable that the Commons might renew their former project of making this revenue only temporary, and thereby re ducing their prince to perpetual dependence; they certainly would cut off the new impositions which Mary and Eli zabeth, but especially James, had levied, and which form ed no despicable part of the public revenue; and they openly declared, that they had at present many important pretensions, chiefly with regard to religion; and if com pliance were refused, no supply must be expected from the Commons. It is easy to see in what an inextricable labyrinth Charles was now involved. By his own concessions, by the general principles of the English government, and by the form of every bill which had granted this duty, tonnage and poundage was derived entirely from the free gift of the people; and, consequently, might be withdrawn at their pleasure. If unreasonable in their refusal, they still refused nothing but what was their own. If public ne cessity required this supply, it might be thought also to require the king’s compliance with those conditions which were the price of obtaining it. Though the motive for s The reason assigned by Sir Philip Warwick, p. 2. for this unusual measure of the Commons, is, that they intended to deprive the crown of the prerogative, which it had assumed, of varying the rates of the imposi tions. and at the same time were resolved to cut off the new rates fixed by James, 'these were considerable diminutions both of revenue and pre rogative; and whether they would have there stopped, considering their granting it had been the enabling of the king to guard the seas, it did not follow, that because he guarded the seas, he was therefore entitled to this revenue without further formality : since the people had still reserved to themselves the right of judging how far that service merited such a supply. But Charles, notwithstanding his public declaration, was far from assenting to this conclusion in its full extent. The plain consequence, he saw, of all these rigours, and refinements, and inferences, was, that he, without any public necessity, and without any fault of his own, must, of a sudden, even from his accession, be come a magistrate of a very different nature from any of his predecessors, and must fall into a total dependence on subjects over whom former kings, especially those imme diately preceding, had exercised an authority almost un limited. Entangled in a chain of consequences which he could not easily break, he was inclined to go higher, and rather deny the first principle, than admit of conclusions which to him appeared so absurd and unreasonable. Agreeably to the ideas hitherto entertained both by natives and foreigners, the monarch he esteemed the essence and soul of the English government; and whatever other power pretended to annihilate, or even abridge, the royal authority must necessarily, he thought, either in its nature or exercise, be deemed no better than an usurpation. Willing to preserve the ancient harmony of the constitu tion, he had ever intended to comply, as far as he easily could, with the ancient forms of administration : but when these forms appeared to him, by the inveterate obstinacy of the Commons, to have no other tendency than to dis turb that harmony, and to introduce a new constitution; he concluded, that, in this violent situation, what was subordinate must necessarily yield to what was principal, and the privileges of the people, for a time, give place to royal prerogative. From the rank of a monarcn, to be degraded into a slave of his insolent, ungrateful subjects, seemed, of all indignities, the greatest; and nothing in his judgment could exceed the humiliation attending such a state, but the meanness of tamely submitting to it, without making some efforts to preserve the authority transmitted to him bv his predecessors. Though these were the king’s reflections and resolutions before the parliament assembled, be did not immediately 1 break with them upon their delay in voting him this sup ply. He thought that he could better justify any strong measure which he might afterwards be obliged to take, if he allowed them to carry to the utmost extremities their attacks upon his government and prerogative.u He con tented himself, for the present, with soliciting the House by messages and speeches. But the Commons, instead of hearkening to his solicitations, proceeded to carry their scrutiny into his management of religion, w which was the only grievance to which, in their opinion, they had not as yet, by their petition of right, applied a sufficient remedy. It was not possible that this century, so fertile in religious sects and disputes, could rminianism - escape the controversy concerning fatalism and free-will, which, being strongly interwoven both with philosophy and theology, had, in all ages, thrown every school and every church into such inextricable doubt and perplexity. The first reformers in England, as in other European countries, had embraced the most rigid tenets of predesti nation and absolute decrees, and had composed, upon that system, all the articles of their religious creed. But these principles having met with opposition from Arminius and his sectaries, the controversy was soon brought into this island, and besran here to diffuse itself. The Armi- nians, finding .more encouragement from the superstitious spirit of the church than from the fanaticism of the puri tans, gradually incorporated themselves with the former; and some of that sect, by the indulgence of James and Charles, had attained the highest preferments in the hierarchy. But their success with the public had not been altogether answerable to that which they met with in the church and the court. Throughout the nation, present disposition, may be much doubted. The king, it seems, and the Lords, were resolved not to trust them ; nor to render a revenue < nee pre carious. which perhaps they might never afterwards be able to get re established on the old footing. . ... t Rushworth, vol. i. p. Pari. Hist. vol. ym. p. 256..346. , u Rushworth, vol. i. p. o40. w Idem, ibid, p.651. Wbitlocke, p. 12.
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